Polybius begins with a dare. Could anyone be “so indifferent or idle as not to care to know by what means, and under what kind of polity, almost the whole inhabited world was conquered and brought under the dominion of the single city of Rome, and that too within a period of not quite fifty-three years?” In his Greek: «οὐχ ὅλοις πεντήκοντα καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν».1 The fifty-three years run from the wars that began about 220 BC to “the fall of the Macedonian monarchy”, in 168.2,3 He comes back to the same question in the last surviving chapter of his work, at the end of Book 39.3
A statesman's son
Debated among scholars Polybius was born at Megalopolis in Arcadia, in the Peloponnese, and lived from about 200 to about 118 BC, the dates modern reference works give.4,5 The introduction to the first Loeb translation (1922) put his birth about 208.3
Megalopolis belonged to the Achaean League, a union of Greek cities, and his father Lycortas became its strategos, its commanding general.4 As a young man Polybius walked in the funeral of Philopoemen, one of the most eminent Achaean leaders of his generation: the urn, says Plutarch, “was borne by Polybius, the son of the Achaean general”.6 That was in 183 or 182 BC; the sources differ.3,4 In 181 the League named him an envoy to Egypt with his father, although he was, in his own words, «νεώτερον ὄντα τῆς κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἡλικίας», younger than the legal age (our translation).3,7 In 170 or 169 he was elected hipparch, the League's cavalry commander, its second-highest office.4,8
Hostage at Rome
After Rome crushed King Perseus of Macedon at Pydna in 168, every Achaean whom the politician Callicrates chose to accuse was sent to Italy: “They amounted to over a thousand men”.3,9 Polybius was one of them, but luckier than the rest.3,4 The sons of the Roman general Aemilius Paullus got leave for him to stay in Rome; their friendship, he says, began with a loan of books.10
One day the younger son, Scipio, “for he was only just eighteen”, blushed and asked why Polybius always talked to his elder brother. Polybius promised his help, and Scipio seized his hand: “Oh that I might see the day on which you would devote your first attention to me, and join your life with mine.”10 The boy became the general Scipio Aemilianus, and the two remained friends.4
The detainees waited for a trial that never came.3 In 151 or 150 BC, when three hundred or fewer were left, Rome let them go home.3,4,9 The Roman statesman Cato mocked the long debate, as Plutarch tells it: “As though we had nothing else to do, we sit here the whole day debating whether some old Greek dotards should be buried by Italian or Achaean undertakers!” The Greek text in the reader prints Plutarch's words among the fragments of Polybius.11,12
Carthage and Corinth
In 146 Polybius stood beside Scipio as Carthage burned.3,4 Scipio turned, took his hand and said: «ὦ Πολύβιε», «καλὸν μέν, ἀλλʼ οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως ἐγὼ δέδια», “O Polybius, it is a grand thing, but, I know not how, I feel a terror and dread, lest some one should one day give the same order about my own native city.”13 The historian Appian adds that Scipio is said to have wept and quoted Homer on the fall of Troy, and that “Polybius wrote this down just as he heard it”.14
Did Scipio name Rome? The Greek says he did: «φασὶν οὐ φυλαξάμενον ὀνομάσαι τὴν πατρίδα σαφῶς», “they say that he named his country plainly, without guarding his words” (our translation). Horace White's Appian in the reader agrees (“he did not hesitate frankly to name his own country”), but Shuckburgh's Polybius reads it the other way: “he did not name Rome distinctly”.13,14
The same year the Romans sacked Corinth.4 Polybius, Strabo reports, “says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these”.15 Afterwards the Roman commissioners asked him to go round the Greek cities and settle their disputes under their new laws, and the cities honoured him in his life and after his death.16 He also spoke up for the statues of Philopoemen when a Roman wanted them removed, and they stayed.6
Statues and portraits of him stood at Megalopolis, Mantinea, Tegea, Olympia and elsewhere.3 At Megalopolis Pausanias read verses saying that “he roamed over every land and every sea”.17 At the sanctuary of the Mistress an inscription went further, «εἰ Πολυβίῳ τὰ πάντα ἐπείθετο»: “Greece would never have fallen at all, if she had obeyed Polybius in everything, and when she met disaster her only help came from him.”18
He also wrote a life of Philopoemen, a handbook on tactics and a history of Rome's war at Numantia in Spain, all lost.3,4 A short book on long-lived men that goes under Lucian's name says he “was thrown from his horse, fell ill as a result of it, and died at eighty-two”.4,19
How history should be written
Polybius set out to write the history of the whole world at once: “Just as Fortune made almost all the affairs of the world incline in one direction, and forced them to converge upon one and the same point”, so the historian must show the whole.20 That Fortune, «ἡ τύχη», can mean plain chance or the goddess.20,21
He is fierce about truth: «ἐξ ἱστορίας ἀναιρεθείσης τῆς ἀληθείας τὸ καταλειπόμενον αὐτῆς ἀνωφελὲς γίνεται διήγημα», “if you take truth from History what is left is but an idle unprofitable tale”.22 He calls his own kind of writing «ὁ τῆς πραγματικῆς ἱστορίας τρόπος», pragmatic history;23 Christian Habicht, in the new Loeb, explains it as “political history or history of events”.24
For him “the science of genuine history is threefold”: written records, knowledge of places, and experience of politics.25 He even borrows the shape of Plato's saying about philosopher kings: “history will never be properly written, until either men of action undertake to write it”, or historians gain experience of affairs.26 His chief target in Book 12 is the historian Timaeus, an attack Habicht judged spiteful and biased.4,26
He practised what he preached. To tell Hannibal's march he questioned eyewitnesses and had “gone over the Alpine pass myself, in order to inform myself of the truth and see with my own eyes”.27 He faced the dangers of “my travels in Libya, Iberia, and Gaul”.28 Of the last years of his story he says: “I was not only an eye-witness, but in some cases one of the actors, and in others the chief director.”29
Debated among scholars The code square that now bears his name comes from his chapter on fire signals, where the alphabet is split into five groups of five letters (the last one letter short), each written on its own tablet.4,30 He did not claim it as his own: the method was “hit upon by Cleoxenus and Democlitus, and further elaborated by myself”.30
The mixed constitution
In Book 6 he stops the story to explain why Rome won. Most thinkers list “three kinds of constitutions, which they designate kingship, aristocracy, democracy”, but “we must regard as the best constitution that which partakes of all these three elements”.31 Each good form has a bad twin, “despotism, oligarchy and mob-rule” («ὀχλοκρατίαν»), and each in turn decays and is overthrown.32 «αὕτη πολιτειῶν ἀνακύκλωσις»: “This is the regular cycle of constitutional revolutions”; his word, anacyclosis, is still used for the theory.4,33 Even Rome, he warns, “to natural causes will owe its decay”.33
For now, though, Rome balanced its three powers so well that “no one could say for certain, not even a native, whether the constitution as a whole were an aristocracy or democracy or despotism”: the consuls look like kings, the Senate like an aristocracy, the people like a democracy.34 This picture of a mixed constitution, each part checking the others, became the most influential part of his work.4
Readers
Not every reader enjoyed him. Dionysius of Halicarnassus listed him among historians whose books are «οἵας οὐδεὶς ὑπομένει μέχρι κορωνίδος διελθεῖν», “such as no one has the patience to read through to the end” (our translation).35 Yet Strabo and Athenaeus quote him at length, and Diodorus, Livy, Plutarch and Arrian drew on him.4 Livy calls him haudquaquam spernendus auctor, “by no means a writer to be despised” (our translation).36
In Cicero's On the Republic (54–51 BC), Scipio is reminded of the talks on the best state he used to hold coram Polybio, in the presence of Polybius, and later follows “our Polybius, than whom no one was more careful in working out dates” (our translation).37,38,39 In 1787 John Adams gave him two letters of his Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, though he warned that “we may see cause to differ widely from the judgment of Polybius”.40,41